By Dina Zisserman-Brodsky

Dissident ethnic networks have been a vital self sustaining establishment within the Soviet Union. Voicing the discontent and resentment of the outer edge on the regulations of the heart or metropole, the dissident writings, referred to as samizdat highlighted anger at deprivations imposed within the political, cultural, social, and financial spheres. Ethnic dissident writings drew on values either inner to the Soviet process and foreign as resources of legitimation; they met a divided response between Russians, with a few privileging the team spirit of the Soviet Union and others sympathetic to the rhetoric of nationwide rights. This specialize in nationwide, instead of person rights, in addition to the appropriation of ethnonationalism via political elites, is helping clarify advancements because the fall of the Soviet Union, together with the superiority of authoritarian governments in newly self sustaining states of the previous Soviet Union.

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Additional resources for Constructing Ethnopolitics in the Soviet Union: Samizdat, Deprivation and the Rise of Ethnic Nationalism

Example text

It evaluates their inclination toward either ethnocentrism or polycentrism, the choice sources, and the potential for violent conflicts. Finally, chapter 8 discusses the mobilization capacity of ethnic samizdat. This study focuses on the samizdat documents of sixteen ethnic groups,139 produced mainly in the period of 1964–1986, from Khrushchev’s downfall until the first evidence that glasnost intended to deal with ethnic issues, specifically as expressed at the plenum of the Central Committee in January 1987.

Recently, Moscow attorney A. Makarov presented the Constitutional Court with party documents proving that the ethnic composition of the highest legislative body was strictly regulated by secret Politburo instructions. 3. Most republican institutions with executive power were subordinated to their respective, central, Moscow-based bodies. Situational domination manifested itself in the overrepresentation of Russians in the party, state, and professional elites of the Union and its autonomous units.

5 Conquest was careful to point out that Lenin’s sole understanding of the right to national self-determination was the right to political independence, that is, the right to secede from the empire and form separate national states. As an advocate of “a centralized large state,”6 Lenin was vigorously opposed to any form of decentralization, whether via the establishment of a federalized state structure or the granting of cultural autonomy to non-Russian ethnic groups. He also made no secret of his belief that the right of self-determination was not valued by the Bolsheviks per se, but was included in the Party’s program for pragmatic reasons, so as to mobilize the support of those ethnic minorities then seeking political independence.

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