By Maria Kousis, Klaus Eder (auth.), Klaus Eder, Maria Kousis (eds.)

`Europe is typically credited with a `polis,' yet no longer a `demos'. Political integration and fiscal globalisation can't minimize neighborhood identification and social stories. This attention-grabbing selection of nationwide case reports indicates why there'll continually be an area `demos' positioned in ecology, financial system, and society. yet there'll by no means be a transnational `demos', accurately simply because locality is the root for significant sustainability. lengthy could it triumph.' Tim O'Riordan, CSERGE,University of East Anglia
'The publication deals a fresh standpoint at the variety of Europe and even as, at the interdependence of the rules, economies, and societies of ecu nations. Going past the dichotomies of `good and undesirable' and `leaders and laggards' in environmental issues, the authors give a contribution to another realizing of the North-South divide within the strategy of eu integration.' Angela Liberatore, eu Commission,Directorate common for Research
`This is a self-consciously revisionist quantity, whose findings are theoretically major, policy-relevant, and well timed. Its insistence on `bringing society again in,' its debunking of the inspiration of a `Mediterranean syndrome,' its emphasis on developmental `leapfrogging' ability of late-comers to come to be leaders in contexts of overdue modernity, and its systematic try and reconceptualize the politics of Europeanization can be conscientiously indexed to scholars and policy-makers taken with collective motion, Southern Europe, eu integration, and environmental politics.' P. NikiforosDiamandouros, college of Athens

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The French case concerns the stereotype of 'French modernism'. The elitist culture of French political institutions, together with the image of a technologically advancing power, has led to the image of an institutional order in which expert culture is far ahead of popular culture on any complex issue of regulating modem societies. The environment is a field in which this institutional order has produced the most impressive symbolic expressions, such as the French nuclear industry. However, this modernism rests on a tiny cultural base which periodically erupts into French institutional life.

The media cultures differ widely as far as the messages sent and received are concerned. Drawing on some research done in the mid-nineties, we can garner some information to help answer these questions. One good indicator of national differences in resonance of environmental issues are the narratives on the Chernobyl accident in the national media. These stories vary in a ways that can give us clues about the internal closure of national media publics and about the boundary construction built into these media communication practices.

First, the European public is a series of national publics. National publics share a particular public space, which is reproduced by national media communication. The media (and related mechanisms of cultural reproduction such as the national army or the national school) make people into a national people. What such national publics finally share is that they read national newspapers and watch national television. The reference of such national publics to Europe is determined by a supposed national interest which sees Europe as a potential advantage to the national interest.

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